The economic case
Healing tourism
This platform is usually read as health policy, or as peace policy. It is also economic policy. Trauma care at this scale is an industry — and Israel happens to sit on the ground the whole world already wants to stand on.
What we are proposing
Legal, supervised healing sessions — ten minutes, with music — at the closest accessible location to the holiest place we can reach, open to every religion and to visitors from anywhere in the world. Not a festival and not a free-for-all: licensed practitioners, medical screening, a clinical setting, and the same safeguards we would demand for any other treatment.
What we are not proposing
We are not proposing to take, claim, alter or impose anything on the Temple Mount. This platform affirms Muslim ownership and custodianship of the site, and that position does not change on this page. Nothing described here happens unilaterally. It would require a change in Israeli law, and it would require agreement with the Waqf and with religious authorities. If that agreement does not exist, this does not happen. We would rather say that plainly than let anyone imagine we are planning a fait accompli.
What it is actually worth
Religious tourism to Israel is seasonal, shallow and concentrated in a handful of streets. Healing tourism is the opposite: visitors stay for weeks rather than days, book treatment in advance, and come year-round because trauma does not have a high season. The spend lands in hospitality, transport, agriculture, clinical staffing, training, security and guiding — and it is the kind of work that can be sited anywhere there is land and quiet, which is to say in precisely the places the current tourist economy never reaches.
Who works in it
Israelis and Palestinians, Jews and Arabs, in the same industry at the same wages. Practitioners, drivers, farmers, cooks, nurses, translators, guides. We say this deliberately: an industry built on treating a region's trauma should employ that region's people, on both sides of the fence — not treat one population while another serves it. Gaza, once rebuilt, is part of this and not an afterthought to it.
And for Jews
Jews should be able to be present at the site and to practice there. We have said so in the platform and we are not going to be coy about it on an economics page. A framework that works is one in which Muslim custodianship is secure and Jewish presence is unremarkable — because both are written down, agreed, and boring. The alternative is what we have now.
This needs seats before it needs a business plan.
None of it is possible from outside the Knesset.